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Politics and Evolution of International Law: The Notion of “Lawfare”

Several days ago, Professor Eric A. Posner of the University of Chicago wrote an essay in the conservative bi-monthly The National Interest, ‘Dockets of War,’ in which he argues that the threat of “lawfare,” so often discussed in the United States as a potential threat to American interests in particular abroad, is “over-hyped.” As an international lawyer, my point of view is radically different from Posner, but I found the article well-written and thought-provoking enough to share some ideas with you.

The term lawfare, before referring to the excellent American national security blog, was coined by U.S. Air Force then-Colonel Charles Dunlap in an article to designate “the use of law as a weapon of war.” In his words, Professor Posner explains:

“By this reading, lawfare is both the efforts of enemy nations, terrorist organizations and their supporters to counter American military superiority by threatening U.S. policy makers and soldiers with prosecution and civil litigation, and the pressure brought to bear by NGOs who take to the media marketplace insisting that international law places sharp limits on military action.”

The phrasing of Eric Posner’s interpretation of lawfare is somewhat surprising, considering that he gives the impression that “enemy nations,” “terrorist organizations and their supporters” and “NGOs” are on the same side. Nevertheless, his definition is not far from the truth: “lawfare,” once you go past the negative connotation of the word, really amounts to individuals or groups who for a reason that is their own oppose a State’s policy, in this case the United States, will attempt to affirm their rights and curb the prejudicial policy through legal processes.

Eric Posner is far from being the only one to present lawfare in such a manner. Authors of the United States’ 2005 National Defense Strategy famously wrote “[o]ur strength as a nation state will continue to be challenged by those who employ a strategy of the weak using international fora, judicial processes and terrorism,” consciously putting on the same level of threat international organizations such as the United Nations, Courtrooms, whether international or domestic, and terrorism.

Screenshot taken from NGO Monitor's website

Unsurprisingly perhaps, the situation that most directly generates controversies regarding lawfare is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several organizations, such as The Lawfare Project or NGO Monitor have made it a speciality to loudly denounce any attempt by Palestinian groups to affirm their rights through legal processes as a “case of lawfare,” which The Lawfare Project calls “the newest, most visible and increasingly emergent form of asymmetric warfare.” Which is not to say that pro-Israel groups have not shown themselves to be equally prone to forms of lawfare(Continued)

Libya and the ICC: Where’s the AU?

In the days following the UN Security Council’s resolution referring Libya to the International Criminal Court, one major player has been notably silent: the African Union.

The UNSC resolution, without naming names, cites “hostility and violence against the civilian population made from the highest level of the LIbyan government.” Although, as Dov Jacobs of Spreading the Jam points out, the ICC Prosecutor is not bound by any list of possible indictees when referred a case by the UNSC, it’s pretty clear that – should the Office of the Prosecutor pursue the UNSC referral – Gaddafi, his family, and key members of his regime will be the intended targets of investigation.

This could put the AU in an awkward position: AU – ICC tensions have been building over the past two years following the OTP’s decision to issue a second warrant for Sudan President Omar Al-Bashir on genocide charges. Ironically, Gaddafi has consistently been one of the staunchest critics of the Bashir indictment and the Court’s alleged unfair focus on African states. In fact, several efforts that led to AU resolutions calling for non-cooperation with the ICC were spearheaded by the Libyan leader himself.

Presumably, the AU supports the unanimously-adopted Libya ICC referral to some extent, as no criticism was voiced by South Africa, Nigeria, or Gabon (the three current African members of the UNSC) but, in the absence of any official AU statements, it’s anyone’s guess (UPDATE: For a more in-depth look at this, check out the latest post at War and Law). Perhaps Mr Jean Ping would care to respond?

 

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Blog Review: Issues and Discussions Surrounding Resolution 1970 (2011) & the ICC Involvement in Libya

The unanimous adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1970 last Saturday, which imposes sanctions on the Gaddafi regime and refers the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the International Criminal Court has generated quite a debate and discussion in the international law blogosphere.

I myself wrote a commentary of the Resolution yesterday, but I had left out a certain number of issues which were covered, then or later on, by other bloggers. Different authors had different perspectives, effectively dissecting the Resolution, that were each enriching and thought-provoking, and that are well worth reading. However, as they are slightly spread out, I have decided to gather notable excerpts here with a few comments of my own, grouped thematically per issue raised: (Continued)

Libya: UNSC Refers the Situation to the International Criminal Court

After some debate and opposition, the United Nations Security Council has voted unanimously in favor of Resolution 1970 (2011) (full text – HTML format) which imposes sanctions on the Gaddafi regime and refers the situation to the International Criminal Court.

The resolution, and the observations made by commenters, raise several issues I would like to cover, before focusing on the ICC referral itself and the impact it may or may not have. (Continued)

The International Jurist: And We’re Back!

After several days of difficulties due to a failed update to WordPress, I have finally managed to get The International Jurist back online in its previous state.

Should anyone encounter a bug (could happen), please report it to xrauscher[at]theinternationaljurist[dot]org.

 

Thank you,

 

Xavier

International Law Confronted with a Bloodbath: Responsibility to Protect in Libya

It has been very difficult to stay away from either my Twitter feed, my RSS feeds, or any other information media as what is going on in the Arab world in general and lately in Libya in particular has been astounding and frightening at the same time. Although busy with work, I have been trying to keep up with the situation and the different debates it has provoked.

Libya is particularly frightening, as we stand shocked in front of our television at the sheer ruthlessness of the Gaddafi regime as it is committed to clinging onto power, or take the country down in flames with it should it fall. Such senseless violence used against protesters asking for freedom leaves me speechless.

Several issues have been raised by different actors or commentators regarding the situation in Libya, and in particular whether the international community should intervene militarily to put an end to the violence, under what is known as the responsibility to protect doctrine. Due to some confusion in the debates I have observed as to what the Responsibility to Protect theory entails, I’d like to clarify a few points before considering its application to the case of Libya. (Continued)

A Quick Analysis of the STL’s Decision on the Crime of Terrorism

I am currently working on a rather long commentary of the recent Special Tribunal for Lebanon decision on applicable law, and notably on the definition of the crime of terrorism (which I had previously mentioned here), but for those who can’t wait, I posted a shorter, slightly less legalistic take over at al-Wasat.

The Return of the Mercenaries – Combatting Piracy

Are we observing a return of the mercenaries, that is to say, a more and more important role for these guns-for-hire in armed conflicts around the world?

I am not sure whether they have a more important role today than yesterday, but they have been more and more visible and reported about in the news. A few items in my Google Reader feed have especially caught my attention:

1) Julian Ku on Opinio Juris on “how mercenaries can help battle piracy and stabilize Somalia” (post here)

In this post, Julian Ku, reacting to the news that the (in)famous Xe Services, LLC – formerly known as Blackwater – is getting involved in counter-piracy operations in Somalia, writes:

Pirates are non-state actors who cause serious international problems that are sometimes beyond the reach or interest of most governments.  Mercenaries are non-state actors who can combat pirates without implicating the political and legal problems faced by regular armed forces.   And so, it is not surprising, or unwelcome, to hear that mercenaries are getting involved in Somalia. (…) Of course, mercenaries are not a long-term security solution, but it seems to me that in this situation, they could only improve things in ways that national armed forces can’t or won’t.

2) Roger L. Philips on his excellent blog on piracy Communis Hostis Omnium “Manning up – Guns on Board” (post here)

Mr. Philips also reacted to the news with an interesting analysis:

Private security firms have found a new niche. In the absence of naval forces sufficient to protect all of the commercial ships traveling through the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden, ship owners must decide whether to take the risk of hiring a private firm to protect their ships, with lethal force when necessary. (…) Many ship owners have been reticent to hire private security companies to protect their ships because of: (1) the potential for escalation of violence; (2) questions regarding the legality of the use of force to prevent pirate attacks and (3) potential liability for injuries to seamen.

Mercenaries and the challenges of the ineluctable privatization of warfare

The increasing visibility of mercenaries lately in the conflict against piracy raises several questions on the role private firms may play in such conflicts, and the legal frameworks at play. I am most uncomfortable when I read Julian Ku’s “Mercenaries are non-state actors who can combat pirates without implicating the political and legal problems faced by regular armed forces.” Although Ku appears satisfied by the implication of mercenaries, at least on the short-term, I am a lot warier, especially considering the recent history of firms such as Blackwater. (Continued)

The Pinochet Precedent Haunts George W. Bush’s Steps

If you have not heard yet, former President of the United States George W. Bush cancelled a trip to Switzerland last Sunday under peculiar circumstances. Officially, it is due to security reasons relating to eventual protests against the acts of torture, such as waterboarding, committed by U.S. officials under his Administration and to which he has admitted authorizing in his autobiography, Decision Points.

But the reality might very well be different. Human rights groups, such as Amnesty International, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) or the European Center for Human Rights (ECCHR), have called for his arrest and prosecution under the 1984 Convention Against Torture (CAT). An individual criminal complaint was prepared (PDF) to be filed before the Swiss authorities in time for Bush’s visit there.

This is anything but unexpected. And certainly not unprecedented. (Continued)

The United Kingdom To Walk Out On The European Court of Human Rights?

It has been a rough few days for the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Strasbourg-based European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). After a first report (PDF) published last week by the Independent Reviewer of Terror Laws Lord Carlile of Berriew criticizing rulings from the ECtHR regarding control orders (see JURIST report here), a new report (PDF) by the Policy Exchange think tank is calling for the complete withdrawal of the UK from the ECtHR’s jurisdiction.

From the JURIST Report:

UK think tank Policy Exchange [think tank website] called Monday for the UK to withdraw [text, PDF] from the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) [official website] in favor of a domestic high court. [...] The report, written by former government adviser Dr. Michael Pinto-Duschinsky, explains that the ECHR has gradually grown in power. It calls for the UK to try to negotiate reforms with the court to limit its jurisdiction, and, if unsuccessful, states “the UK should consider withdrawing from the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and establishing the Supreme Court in London as the final appellate court for human rights law.”

The foreword written by Lord Leonard Hoffman summarizes succinctly the source of the discontent (emphasis is mine):

What has gone wrong? The brief list of human rights in the 1950 European Convention, which now forms part of our own law, is, in general terms, admirable. Who could object to the government having to respect the rights of its people not to be tortured or inhumanly treated, not to have their privacy invaded, to have a fair trial, or to be free to speak their minds and practice their religions. These freedoms are the badge of a civilized society. The devil is in the detail: in the interpretation by the courts of the high-minded generalities of the written instrument. It is these interpretations, which often appear to people to bear little relation to the values that they think really important in the way our country is governed. Since 9/11 there have been enough real and serious invasions of traditional English freedoms to make it tragic that the very concept of human rights is being trivialized by silly interpretations of grand ideas.

This study is a close and thoughtful examination of why this has happened. It starts with the decision, in 1950, to entrust the task of deciding whether our laws complied with the rights listed in the Convention to an international court in Strasbourg. International institutions which are set up by everyone become in practice answerable to no one, and courts have an age-old tendency to try to enlarge their jurisdictions. And so the Strasbourg court has taken upon itself an extraordinary power to micromanage the legal systems of the member states of the Council of Europe (or at any rate those which pay attention to its decisions) culminating, for the moment, in its decision that the UK is not entitled to have a law that convicted prisoners lose, among other freedoms, the right to vote.

It would be easy to write this off as just another example of British sovereignism and insularism, sensible to any infringement on their independence. But there is arguably more to this than just that. (Continued)